Is the dollar “unsustainable”?

Semantics creates belief.

Economics may be the only major “science” in which semantics predetermines conclusions. The words used are not neutral descriptions. They are analogies, metaphors, and moral judgments disguised as technical language.

A discussion may begin innocently enough with terms like “debt,” “deficit,” “borrowing,” “inflation,” and “crowding out.” But each of those words carries emotional and causal implications long before any analysis begins.

Take the word “debt.” In ordinary life, debt implies danger. It implies insolvency, burden, dependence, and eventual failure to repay from scarce resources.

Household debt can bankrupt a family. Corporate debt can destroy a company. So, when people hear “federal debt,” they automatically apply the same intuition to the federal government.

But for a Monetarily Sovereign nation such as the United States, federal “debt” is unlike household debt. Treasury securities, which are referred to as “debt,” are nothing more than deposits into Treasury security accounts at the Federal Reserve system. “Deposits” is much more benign than “debt.”

They are dollar-denominated obligations payable in dollars the federal government itself creates. A Treasury bill is a dollar bill that pays interest and has a maturity date. Both “bills” are the same financial obligations of the U.S. government. In its essence, a dollar bill is a T-bill.

Have you ever been told that the economy has “too many dollars” or that the number of dollars in circulation is “unsustainable”? No, that isn’t what you hear or read. You’re told the “debt” is too high. 

GDP, which measures the economy equals the total dollars being spent—and shrinking GDP means a recession.

You’re often told the “debt” too high and can’t be maintained. By definition, the only way to cut the so-called “debt” is to reduce number of the dollars in the system, which also means to have a recession.

In short, the phrase “reduce the federal debt” literally means “cause a recession.” And in fact, that is exactly what has happened when the so-called “debt” (number of dollars) has been reduced.

1804-1812: U. S. Federal Debt reduced 48%. Depression began 1807.
1817-1821: U. S. Federal Debt reduced 29%. Depression began 1819.
1823-1836: U. S. Federal Debt reduced 99%. Depression began 1837.
1852-1857: U. S. Federal Debt reduced 59%. Depression began 1857.
1867-1873: U. S. Federal Debt reduced 27%. Depression began 1873.
1880-1893: U. S. Federal Debt reduced 57%. Depression began 1893.
1920-1930: U. S. Federal Debt reduced 36%. Depression began 1929.
1997-2001: U. S. Federal Debt reduced 15%. Recession began 2001.

The way this is framed shapes public debate before the facts are even considered.

A Treasury bill represents exactly the same government financial obligation as a dollar bill. The only differences between them are that the T-bill has a maturity date and pays interest.

Similarly, the term “deficit” carries negative emotional weight. Deficit implies shortage, failure, or irresponsibility.

Yet, a federal deficit means the government has pumped more money into the private sector through spending than it has taken out through taxes. Simply put, a deficit is net money creation, which the federal government can do without limit, merely by pressing computer keys.

Reductions in federal deficits lead to recessions (gray bars). Note how recessions are cured by increased deficit spending, especially to address shortages of oil and food.

When language changes, perception changes. “Federal borrowing” sounds like dependency. But, in fact, the federal government never borrows dollars.

It “accepts deposits into Treasury accounts,” which sounds entirely different, even though the underlying accounting operation is identical.

Those deposits do not provide the federal government with spending money. The government produces its spending dollars at will. The purpose of T-securities is to provide a safe place to store unused dollars and to help the Fed control interest rates.

The same linguistic distortion appears in discussions of inflation.

Economists sometimes describe inflation as “too much money chasing too few goods.” Grammatically and psychologically, this phrase emphasizes “too much money” while minimizing “too few goods.” The causal spotlight falls on spending rather than on shortages.

Yet historically, major inflations repeatedly have been associated with shortages and productive disruptions: Oil shortages in the 1970s, wartime destruction in Germany and Hungary. agricultural collapse in Zimbabwe, and during COVID, energy disruptions, shipping bottlenecks, housing shortages, and semiconductor shortages.

In each case, the economy’s ability to produce or distribute essential goods was hindered, but this ability isn’t worsened by government spending. In fact, inflation can be addressed through government spending to obtain the scarce goods.

The false picture is enhanced when a government produces more currency without taking steps to cure the underlying scarcities. That is like treating a viral illness with big doses of antibiotics, then blaming the antibiotics for the disease when the patient fails to improve.

The real problem was not the treatment itself, but the failure to address the actual cause.

Nevertheless, mainstream economic language often frames inflation as: “overheating,” “excess demand,” or “too much spending.” Those phrases direct attention toward reducing purchasing power by raising interest rates, cutting deficits,
weakening labor markets, and suppressing wages.

But inflation fundamentally always results from shortages, so the solutions are entirely different: Increase energy production, aid agriculture, build housing, improve transportation, expand healthcare capacity, strengthen supply chains, and invest in productivity, all of which require more government spending, not less.

One of the most revealing examples of economic semantics is the term “core inflation,” which excludes food and energy prices. The justification is that food and energy prices are unusually volatile and may obscure longer-term pricing trends.

The word “core” suggests something central, fundamental, primary, or causative. Yet historically, the vast majority of inflationary episodes have been driven by energy and food shortages or disruptions.

Oil shocks in the 1970s affected transportation, manufacturing, fertilizer, plastics, shipping, heating, and food production. Food shortages, like those in Zimbabwe, historically have destabilized entire economies and governments.

Thus, energy and food are not peripheral to economic life; they are “core” — foundational inputs into nearly every productive process. Removing them from a preferred inflation measure can create the impression that the very forces most responsible for inflation are somehow secondary or less important.

The semantic framing matters because it influences public understanding and equally important, policy response.

When economists’ solutions focus on “core” inflation, attention naturally shifts away from shortages in energy and food, and toward generalized theories of excess demand or excessive spending.

The terminology quietly encourages the belief that inflation primarily is a monetary or demand phenomenon rather than a resource and supply phenomenon. But add a trillion, trillion dollars to an economy that has a trillion, trillion more things people want to buy, and there will be no inflation.

Inflation is always and everywhere a supply problem, never a money problem.

Even terms like crowding out reveal the hidden metaphors embedded in economic thinking. The phrase implies that government spending physically occupies economic space that otherwise would belong to the private sector.

It assumes a limited pool of available money. But a monetarily sovereign government creates dollars whenever it spends. The real constraints are not dollars but actual resources, like oil and food.

Cooling the economy” sounds gentle and scientific. In practice, it often means lower wages, business failures, and reduced consumer purchasing power, in short, recession.

Fiscal discipline” sounds prudent. Operationally, it means reducing the flow of dollars into the private sector. The abstractions become especially dangerous because they conceal human consequences behind sterile terminology.

Words create belief. The debate often is won or lost before the first statistic appears—simply by the choice of words used to frame the discussion. People react to the stories implied by the language used.

SUMMARY

Terms like “debt,” “deficit,” “core inflation,” “crowd out,” “borrow,” “print money,” “overheated,” and “cool the economy” are often misused by economists. These expressions tend to carry misleading negative connotations and suggest flawed solutions.

Some suggestions for accuracy and clarity:

  1. Instead of “debt” —> “deposits.” 
  2. “Core” inflation —>less volatile inflation measure
  3. Federal “deficit”—>growth dollars added
  4. “Crowd out” (eliminate this term as it is functionally incorrect)
  5. “Borrow” (accepts deposits)
  6. “Print money” —> add growth dollars
  7. “Overheated” —>trending toward inflation
  8. “Cool the economy” —> Reduce economic growth

Semantics creates belief, especially in economics.

Rodger Malcolm Mitchell

Monetary Sovereignty

Twitter: @rodgermitchell

Search #monetarysovereignty

Facebook: Rodger Malcolm Mitchell;

MUCK RACK: https://muckrack.com/rodger-malcolm-mitchell;

https://www.academia.edu/

……………………………………………………………………..

A Government’s Sole Purpose is to Improve and Protect The People’s Lives.

MONETARY SOVEREIGNTY

Just because he has 22 doctors . . .

Donald Trump is a bent, tired, feeble old man in a wheelchair surrounded by doctors
AI generated picture

Just because he has his annual physical exam every month, and has to have 22 doctors look after him, doesn’t mean America is being run by a feeble, crazy old man.

How even the government lies to you about the federal debt and the debt/GDP ratio

I posed a question to the AI Copilot. It had to do with something I read on a government website regarding the federal Debt/GDP ratio: https://fiscaldata.treasury.gov/americas-finance-guide/national-debt/#the-growing-national-debt,

I asked Copilot about the following explanation by the government:

“Comparing a country’s debt to its gross domestic product (GDP) reveals the country’s ability to pay down its debt.

This ratio is considered a better indicator of a country’s fiscal situation than just the national debt number because it shows the burden of debt relative to the country’s total economic output and therefore its ability to repay it.

The U.S. debt to GDP ratio surpassed 100% in 2013 when both debt and GDP were approximately 16.7 trillion.”

Copilot’s response:

The Treasury’s explanation is operationally false for a monetarily sovereign government. It reflects political messaging and gold standard era framing, not how the modern U.S. monetary system actually works.

But let’s break it down carefully, because this is exactly where public communication diverges from monetary reality.

1. The Treasury’s statement is based on a false premise. They say: “Debt to GDP reveals the country’s ability to pay down its debt.

This is not true for a currency issuing government. A monetarily sovereign nation (U.S., U.K., Japan, Canada, Australia) ssues its own currency, cannot run out of that currency, cannot involuntarily default, does not need revenue to spend, does not need to “repay” its debt with taxes, creates dollars when it spends, and deletes dollars when it taxes.

So, the idea that GDP determines “ability to repay” is nonsensical in a fiat system. It would be like saying, “An airline’s ability to issue more airline points depends on its revenue.”

No. It issues the unit, as many as it chooses, and makes all the rules regarding the unit.

2. Why does the Treasury still say this? Because public facing explanations are political, not operational. The Treasury is simplifying for a public that overwhelmingly believes that the government is like a household, taxes fund spending, borrowing is needed to finance deficits, debt must be repaid, and that high debt is dangerous.

If the Treasury wrote the operational truth it would say: “Federal debt is simply the total of Treasury security deposits at the Fed, and the U.S. can always create dollars to redeem them.

But Congress would melt down, and half the political system would accuse them of endorsing “unlimited spending.” So, they stick to the old narrative because it is familiar, politically safe, rhetorically useful, and aligned with public intuition

It is not aligned with monetary operations.

3. The real operational meaning of “federal debt”: Federal “debt” = total Treasury security deposits at the Fed.

These are interest bearing dollars, held in securities accounts, created by keystrokes, and redeemed by keystrokes. They are not borrowed funds. They are not a burden. They are not something the government must “pay back” with taxes.

They are the private sector’s savings.

4. Why debt/GDP is not a measure of ability to pay. Because the U.S. government does not use GDP to obtain dollars, does not need income to spend, does not need to “earn” dollars, does not need to “save up” dollars, and does not need to “repay” anything in the household sense

The U.S. can always credit reserve accounts to redeem securities.

Japan proves this: Its Debt/GDP ≈ 260%. Its inflation ≈ low, interest rates ≈ near zero, and solvency risk ≈ zero

If debt/GDP measured “ability to pay,” Japan would have collapsed decades ago.

5. So what does debt/GDP actually measure? Not solvency. Not ability to pay. Not financial risk.

It measures how many interest-bearing dollars the private sector has chosen to store at the Fed relative to annual economic output.

That’s it. It is a ratio of stock to flow, not a measure of capacity.

6. The clean takeaway: The Treasury’s explanation is obsolete. Debt/GDP does not measure ability to pay. It measures nothing about solvency. It persists because it is politically convenient and publicly intuitive.

It is the economic equivalent of continuing to teach that the Sun revolves around the Earth because it’s easier for people to understand.

Then I asked Copilot what it thought about this comment on the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget’s website: “The Medicare Trustees project that the Medicare Hospital Insurance (HI) trust fund will be insolvent in 2033 with a 75-year shortfall of 0.56% to 1.38% of payroll.”

CoPilot AI said:

1. “Medicare HI trust fund insolvency” is an accounting fiction, not an operational constraint The Medicare Hospital Insurance (HI) “trust fund” is not a real savings account. It is a ledger inside the Treasury — a bookkeeping device created by statute.

It does not contain: money, assets, investments, anything that can “run out.” It contains numbers. When CRFB says the trust fund will be “insolvent,” they mean the accounting balance will hit zero under current law.

But operationally, Medicare payments are made by the Treasury. Treasury payments are cleared by the Fed. The Fed marks up bank accounts. The U.S. cannot run out of keystrokes. So “insolvency” is a legal constraint, not a financial one. Congress can change the law at any time.

2. The U.S. government does not need payroll taxes to fund Medicare. CRFB says the shortfall is “0.56% to 1.38% of payroll.” This implies Medicare is funded by payroll taxes.

Operationally, that is falsePayroll taxes do not fund Medicare, do not fund Social Security, do not fund federal spending at all. They simply delete dollars from the private sector.

Medicare spending is funded the same way all federal spending is funded: by the Treasury instructing the Fed to credit bank accounts. There is no pile of money that must be refilled. 

3. Why does CRFB talk about “insolvency”? Because CRFB is a deficit hawk advocacy group whose mission is to promote spending cuts, entitlement cuts, and fiscal austerity. Their framing is political, not operational.

They rely on household analogies, trust fund myths, gold standard thinking, and fear of “running out of money.”

This is persuasive to the public but it’s not how federal finance works.

4. What actually happens if the HI trust fund hits zero? Two possibilities:

A. Congress changes the law. This is what has happened every time in history. Congress simply authorizes continued payments.

B. Payments continue anyway. Even if Congress did nothing, the Treasury can still make Medicare payments because the U.S. cannot run out of dollars; the Fed clears all payments; the trust fund is not a funding mechanism

The only thing that stops payments is Congress choosing to stop them. Not insolvency. Not lack of money. Not debt levels. Not debt/GDP. Not trust fund balances.

5. The clean takeaway Medicare cannot become insolvent in any financial sense. The “trust fund” is an accounting construct, not a real funding source. CRFB’s framing is political, not operational. 

The only real constraint is Congressional willingness, not financial ability.

Tell this to your Congresspersons each time they lie to you about the federal government’s financial need to raise your taxes and/or to cut your benefits. FICA could be zero; Benefits could be tripled; And the government would remain solvent.

If you don’t complain, they’ll keep lying, and you’ll pay for those lies, day after day after day. It’ s very expensive to sit back and simply hope things will change.

Rodger Malcolm Mitchell

Monetary Sovereignty

Twitter: @rodgermitchell

Search #monetarysovereignty

Facebook: Rodger Malcolm Mitchell;

MUCK RACK: https://muckrack.com/rodger-malcolm-mitchell;

https://www.academia.edu/

……………………………………………………………………..

A Government’s Sole Purpose is to Improve and Protect The People’s Lives.

MONETARY SOVEREIGNTY

The perfect use for Trump’s arch

1970s: Discrimination against Black renters
1980s: Sexual misconduct allegations begin
September 2005: Trump is caught on tape advocating “grabbing women by the pussy”
April 2016: Trump is accused of raping a 13-year-old girl
October 2016: A journalist accuses Trump of assaulting her in Mar-a-Lago
21 June 2019: E Jean Carroll accuses Trump of raping her in a department store

It’s hard to believe that Donald Trump has only been back in office for a year, given the relentless news cycle he seems so obsessed with commanding (once a reality star, always a reality star?). From ordering especially high numbers of thuggish ICE agents into states that voted for his Democratic rival, Kamala Harris, to belittling allies in Europe (much to the delight of Russia’s President Putin), Trump sadly shows no signs of ending the chaos that is impacting the lives of millions the world over.

Outside of these vastly consequential decisions, the 79-year-old’s critics are also quick to point out that Trump is the first twice-impeached president with a criminal conviction to his name – and are now calling for him to be impeached a third time (something which could theoretically be possible if his party loses in the mid-term elections this coming November).

Alongside the two previous impeachments, Trump also has 34 felony counts to his name and one official conviction (plus six instances of bankruptcy). Accusations levelled against the President range from raping a teenager in 1994 to rigging the 2016 election and allegations that he incited and encouraged violence that led to the 6 January 2021 storming of Capitol Hill.

So, what has Trump actually been accused – and convicted – of over the years? Here’s a timeline recapping the key cases…

A timeline of Donald Trump’s many (alleged) crimes and convictions

Buckle up: there’s a lot to get through. By Jennifer Savin Updated: 27 January 2026